Do you remember eating tulsi leaves to ward off a fever? Ever wondered why curry leaves are a staple in many Indian dishes, or why sandalwood paste is used in religious ceremonies?

Herbs found in our kitchen gardens, local areas, or even the wild–if you're lucky enough to live near forests–offer powerful health benefits. They aid digestion, relieve migraines, reduce cholesterol, and treat ailments like dengue and arthritis thanks to their antiseptic, antiviral, antioxidant, and astringent qualities.

Prof Madhulika Banerjee, a political science professor at Delhi University, chronicles 100 wonder herbs from India in her new book The Herbal Sutra, beautifully illustrated by Anita Verma. Banerjee provides valuable insights into their medicinal, culinary and cosmetic uses, from familiar herbs like ginger and garlic to lesser-known ones such as Lokha (King of Bitters) and Chisheng (Himalayan Cinquefoil). The book is a gold mine of wisdom, combining practical benefits with trivia on each herb’s traditions and lesser-known applications.

Ayurveda vs biomedicine

Is alternative medicine effective? The professor said this debate is rooted in power dynamics. No surprise then that her PhD thesis was titled Power, Culture, Medicine: Ayurvedic Pharmaceuticals in India, building on her MPhil case study of the Bhopal Gas Tragedy.

“There were two key debates about Bhopal. One focused on the legality of the tragedy, and the other on health and medical issues. That’s when I first realised medicine is a deeply contested terrain,” she said.

Herb extraction, owing to high demand and large-scale manufacturing, is occurring at a rate that we simply don't fully understand. Those knowledgeable about it have no way of controlling the process because the powers overseeing extraction are much stronger.

As the daughter of a surgeon, Banerjee questions why many believe biomedicine–or Western medicine–is the only valid form of knowledge, especially since it has existed for just over 200 years and constantly evolves.

“Legitimacy is an expression of power. When anybody asserts the legitimacy of a particular system of knowledge, of practice or anything, it's vital to understand its underlying power structures,” she said. 

Ayurveda, a knowledge system practised for centuries, boasts sophisticated methods of diagnosis, treatment, and analysis, which deserve equal recognition. Comparing Ayurveda to biomedicine is unfair, said Banerjee.

"Ayurveda practitioners first made it their business to understand biomedicine, anatomy and physiology. Eventually, the Central Council for Research in Ayurvedic Sciences was set up by the Government of India in the late 60s. Around the same time, the notion of Ayurvedic formularies was linked to modern pharmaceutical industries. These formularies were being set up with a systematic search on different texts, and thus, a pharmacopeia was created,” she said.

Initially, researchers aimed to validate Ayurveda through Western biomedicine standards, but by the 21st century, this approach shifted. The researchers demanded a different frame of reference.

Dr P Rammanohar, a skilled Ayurvedic doctor and researcher, convinced the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the top US research body, to test whether Ayurveda could cure rheumatoid arthritis. He not only secured the trial in India but also extended it from six weeks to six months and created a full trial protocol based on Ayurvedic principles.

“The trial conducted by Rammanohar was completely transparent and the NIH was free to come watch, observe, make their own recordings about what was going on, etc.” said Banerjee, adding that scientists and researchers across India are bravely continuing this kind of work, often facing funding challenges.

Herb extraction

Herbal remedies have become very popular in the last 25 years. Because of this, organisations started to ignore the traditional knowledge about gathering these herbs, which local communities used to know.

“There is a procedure and a specification for how much to take to collect each element–whether it's a flower, leaf or root. You also needed to know what season you could access each part and which seasons you could not, i.e., the plant's regeneration time. Also, every forest had a sacred area from which nothing could be collected,” she said.

Now, these thoughtful practices are largely forgotten.

“Herb extraction, owing to high demand and large-scale manufacturing, is occurring at a rate that we simply don't fully understand. Those knowledgeable about it have no way of controlling the process because the powers overseeing extraction are much stronger. As a result, several herbs, such as Aconitum heterophyllum (Atees), Picrorhiza kurroa (Kutki), Saussurea costus (Kuth), Asparagus racemosus (Shatavari), Pluchea lanceolata (Rasna Jadi), and Rauvolfia serpentina (Sarpagandha), are now listed as endangered on the IUCN Red List,” she said.

To combat this, urban herbal garden kits were introduced two decades ago by pioneers like Hariram Murthy. Urban dwellers can grow herbs like lemon grass, tulsi, aloe vera, hibiscus, giloy and ashwagandha in their balconies.

Herbal remedies

Ayurveda offers remedies that can provide both quick relief and long-term benefits. “It is a misconception that traditional medicine only works over a long time. When you have a headache and must pop a pill to report to work, that changes your notion of time. It is no coincidence that biomedicine developed during the Industrial Revolution.”

Banerjee emphasised the delicate balance Ayurveda maintains between diet, sleep, lifestyle and medicine. To ensure their efficacy, herbs must be used with care, adhering to known restrictions prescribed by qualified practitioners. "Paying attention to nature, and ourselves, is key," she concluded.

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India has a long history of growing traditional oilseeds like groundnut, mustard, and sesame. Coconut also provides a good source of edible oil, while trees such as mahua, karanj, kusum, and kokum contribute oils in smaller amounts. Recently, however, there has been a push to promote palm oil, with efforts underway to expand its plantations rapidly. It’s crucial to highlight the need to protect and support the country’s diverse traditional oilseed crops and trees.

Importance of traditional oil seeds

Oil from traditional oilseeds and desi ghee are the preferred cooking options for most people in India. Pure traditional oilseeds offer unsaturated and polyunsaturated fats, which are beneficial for health. After oil extraction, the leftover oil cake serves as nutritious and much-loved feed for dairy and farm animals. Oilseeds can be processed in small, village-level units, producing healthier oils and supporting sustainable livelihoods.

Such traditional oilseeds provide not only edible oil but also key ingredients in many delicious dishes, snacks, and sweets, often paired with healthy foods like jaggery. For instance, rewaris and gazaks made with groundnuts and sesame are winter staples, and groundnuts are enjoyed in their simplest forms. Mustard plants are even more versatile—besides oil, their leaves are used to make 'sarson da saag,' a beloved dish in Punjab and other parts of India. They also have many medicinal uses, and home remedies based on them help millions of people every day.

Traditional oilseeds are also very well integrated in the prevailing crop rotations and mixed farming systems, and millions of farmers have valuable skills and knowledge related to these crops and trees. Additionally, many artisans possess important small-scale oil processing skills, though they are struggling due to lack of support and competition from larger companies.

Moreover, many traditional oilseeds and trees play important roles in festivals, religious ceremonies, and cultural practices, as well as in shaping the natural beauty of villages and landscapes.

For example, the bloom of mustard fields is a sight to behold, and the coconut tree is often seen as a symbol of tropical beauty and abundance. The loss of these traditional crops and practices would not only impact local economies and traditions, but also erase a significant part of cultural identity and heritage for these communities.

Supporting farmers

India's policy should focus on supporting farmers in increasing the production of traditional oilseeds in ways that are environmentally friendly. Even a modest increase in the area planted with these oilseeds, if incentivized, can significantly increase the production of traditional oils and help India meet its edible oil needs.

However, the government's focus on soybean and palm oil has meant that traditional oilseeds have not received adequate support. Despite the fact that traditional oilseeds offer many advantages over these imported sources of oil, the government continues to prioritise them.

In the past, when the government has provided adequate support to traditional oilseeds, farmers have responded positively and production has increased to the point where India was close to being self-reliant in terms of meeting its edible oil needs. Unfortunately, this period of support was short-lived as the government began to favour importing cheaper oils.

Risks of hydrogenated oils

Hydrogenation involves adding hydrogen to liquid fats, such as vegetable oil, transforming them into solid fats at room temperature. It's a common ingredient in processed foods, aimed at improving both shelf life and flavour. However, despite its widespread use, hydrogenated oil is considered unhealthy, and experts recommend limiting its consumption.

The shift towards hydrogenated oils has also had negative impacts on both public health and farming communities. The process involves chemically altering natural vegetable oils—often using harmful catalysts—to strip away their colour and odour, making it possible to use cheaper, lower-quality fats. The practice is favoured by large corporations for cost savings but raises health concerns. There is even the potential for adulteration of desi ghee with hydrogenated oil, as the two look alike. Ultimately, hydrogenation turns nutritious unsaturated fats into unhealthy saturated fats, posing risks to consumers.

Farmers who grow healthy oilseeds and small-scale processors who produce pure edible oils were disadvantaged by big businesses that imported cheap oils and sold hydrogenated oil. This made it harder for traditional oilseed production to grow enough to meet the demand for healthy oils. For a while, the government focused mainly on rice and wheat, which led to oilseeds, pulses, and millets being relatively neglected.

Palm invasion

To make up for past mistakes, the government should have focused on promoting traditional oilseeds and encouraging small, village-level processing units. However, instead of doing this, the government has shifted towards promoting palm oil plantations.

Unlike traditional oilseeds, palm oil fruit can only be processed in large business units and must be processed or extracted immediately, or it will spoil. The palm trees require a lot of water and are typically grown on large plantations, which can harm local biodiversity, especially in sensitive areas like the North East and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands where it's being promoted. The need for quick transport of the fruit can further disrupt the environment due to the infrastructure required

While there have been many cases of farmers losing interest in palm oil trees and giving them up early on, government support and subsidies could help some farmers in the short term. This might lead to a quick spread of palm oil cultivation in certain areas, but the key concern is whether it's sustainable, which is uncertain. Even if there are some successes in a few places, palm oil is still not a better alternative to traditional oilseeds, which offer many benefits that shouldn't be overlooked.

The current concern is that the combination of cheap imported palm oil and the push for domestic palm oil production will hurt traditional oilseeds. They won't be able to compete for fair prices in a market flooded with cheaper oils, including imported oils, domestic palm oil, and hydrogenated oils. As a result, traditional oilseeds will face tougher conditions.

This is why it’s important to raise awareness now, as this could mark the start of a steady decline in traditional oilseeds. When millets and pulses faced challenges, not enough warnings were given, and their decline couldn’t be stopped. If people recognise the threat to traditional oilseeds now, it may be possible to rally public support for efforts to protect India’s rich heritage of these crops.

As the morning sun softly illuminates the rooftops in Lankrishpora, a village in North Kashmir's Bandipora district, a group of young girls rows their traditional wooden boats toward Wular Lake. Their mission: to extract water chestnuts from the lake's depths.

Among them is Asiya, a 26-year-old woman who steers her boat with others to the center of Wular Lake. She spends 5-6 hours each day harvesting water chestnuts, locally known as singhara or water caltrops. Her weathered hands reflect generations of tradition tied to this unique fruit.

For Asiya, who dropped out of school at sixteen, harvesting these chestnuts is more than just a livelihood–it’s a source of pride. "Girls like me do not go outside to work," she said. "This is what we do. My family depends on these chestnuts, and I feel proud to be part of that."

The edible gems 

In the Kashmir Valley, water chestnuts have long been a cherished staple. From June to September, this delicately flavored fruit becomes a key ingredient in local diets and a highlight of the region's food markets. For many, these chestnuts are a vital food source that defines their culinary traditions.

"In summer, the demand for fresh water chestnuts is much higher than in winter, when they are dried and sold to local traders," said Bashir Ahmad, a fisherman from Bandipora. "Every day, tens of thousands of kilograms of green water chestnuts are sold across Kashmir."

Boiled water chestnuts have a mild, slightly sweet flavor and a chewy texture, making them popular in local households. Often consumed plain, with just a pinch of salt added during boiling, they pair perfectly with namkeen tea.

"The fresh chestnuts are a perfect light snack with tea," said Fatima, a homemaker from Bandipora. "They’re not too heavy, and their mild sweetness complements the tea beautifully. We also dry them to make flour for winter."

In Lahrwalpora village, piles of raw chestnuts are a common sight on the porches of many homes. In the evenings, women and men sit together, boiling the chestnuts and removing their kernels. These are then sold to traders who market them plain or fried. Around 60% of Lahrwalpora's population relies on chestnut extraction for their livelihood.

A winter essential

One of the standout qualities of Kashmiri water chestnuts is their ability to be preserved for later use. While fresh chestnuts are a summer delight, they are also dried and processed into flour, becoming a crucial staple during Kashmir’s long, harsh winters. This chestnut flour, valued for its nutritional benefits, helps sustain families when fresh produce is scarce.

Chestnut flour is a lifeline for many families here.

The chestnuts are first sun-dried, then ground into a fine powder. "In winter, we rely heavily on dried vegetables and grains we’ve stocked up during summer," said Mohd Sultan, another fisherman from Bandipora. "Chestnut flour is a lifeline for many families here. It’s filling, nutritious, and versatile, plus it has medicinal properties, which doctors often recommend to diabetic patients."

Water caltrops are also a popular street food in the valley, enjoyed especially during the evening. "I’ve been selling water caltrops on Srinagar’s streets for the past seven years. People love them," said Javaid Ahmad, a street vendor. "We sell them boiled with the kernels removed or fried–both are favorites."

Harvesting chestnuts

The journey of chestnuts from the waters of Wular Lake to Kashmir's markets is no easy task. Harvesting takes place twice a year, from June to September, when chestnuts begin to grow. During this period, the chestnuts are extracted with the floating plants. From December to February, the chestnuts are collected from the lake’s surface using paddles, after they turn black.

Many fisherwomen, like Asiya, row their traditional wooden boats on Wular Lake each morning, spending hours gathering chestnuts from the floating plants that form a natural carpet over the water. "After working the whole day, we collect 8-10 kg and earn 200-250 rupees, which isn’t much, but for uneducated girls like me, it’s better than sitting at home," Asiya said.

"The plants are beautiful, and we feel connected to the lake and nature," said Asiya. "But the work is tough. We’re out here for hours, and when winter comes, it gets even harder."

Peak season

The peak season for chestnut harvest runs from June to September, when fresh green chestnuts are at their best. During these months, demand in local markets skyrockets as residents stock up for both immediate consumption and the colder months ahead.

The chestnuts are in demand, but we don’t get much [money] for them.

Grown naturally without human interference, water chestnuts are a favorite for many. However, increasing demand has coincided with a drop in production, as Wular Lake’s water quality has deteriorated in recent years.

"The chestnuts are in demand, but we don’t get much for them," said Nazir Ahmad. "It’s a hard way to make a living, but it’s what we know. We take pride in providing this food to people."

Future of cultivation

In recent years, Wular Lake, the second-largest freshwater lake in Asia, has faced serious threats, including illegal encroachments, pollution and a shrinking surface area.

If the lake continues to shrink, we’ll lose not just the water chestnuts but our connection to Wular and our tradition.

Around 10,000 families depend on the lake for their livelihood, earning a living by extracting water chestnuts and fishing. Many are now concerned about the lake's shrinking size, with some turning to other jobs in local markets.

Every day, tonnes of garbage enter Wular Lake through nearby village streams and the Jhelum river, the lake's lifeline.

"If the lake continues to shrink, we’ll lose not just the water chestnuts but our connection to Wular and our tradition," said Ahmad. "The lake is our livelihood. We grew up on its banks and spent our childhood here. Now, seeing it shrink, it feels like we’re losing everything."

In recent years, the government has made efforts to restore the lake, but over the last seven to eight years, only a few kilometers have been restored by dredging sewage. Despite these challenges, Wular Lake remains the heart of water chestnut cultivation in Kashmir.
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“It felt as though the sea had come closer to our homes, flooding the villages, roads, and farms. No one expected the water to reach this far — all the way to the Eluru-Vijayawada road, part of National Highway 5 (NH-5)," said Gantasala Peddiraju, a 58-year-old aquaculture farmer.

Peddiraju lives in one of the 46 island villages within Kolleru Lake, the largest freshwater body in India and a designated RAMSAR site.

On September 6, the lake's water levels rose to 12 feet, with dangerous inflows of 25,000 to 30,000 cusecs from the upstream channels of Budameru, Ramileru, Tammileru, and Munneru.

Kolleru Lake has a natural capacity of only 10,000 cusecs and relies on a single outlet — the Upputeru channel — which connects the lake to the Bay of Bengal, flowing 63 kilometres through low-lying plains until it meets the sea.

For over a week, villagers were cut off and had to stay in temporary shelters arranged by the Andhra Pradesh government.

What haunts Peddiraju and many other aquaculture farmers is their loss: fish worth crores escaped into Kolleru Lake and ultimately the ocean, never to return. “Farmers who lost their livestock and paddy in the floods received compensation, as did those whose homes were submerged. But no one cared about us,” said Peddiraju. 

According to Nagalingachari, deputy director of the fisheries department, fishing within the 5-contour line of Kolleru Lake is illegal as the area is a designated wildlife sanctuary. Because these operations are illegal, they cannot receive compensation. Only six small fish tanks outside the 5-contour area have applied for and are eligible for compensation.

The question of what separates legal from illegal activities, and why aquaculture and shrimp farmers in the Kolleru Lake area cannot claim compensation, takes us back 50 years to the start of the Blue Revolution, which prioritised aquaculture at the expense of the environment.

The rise of aquaculture

Around 50 years ago, Peddiraju's family and others stood up against the Andhra Pradesh government's plan to switch from traditional farming to aquaculture as part of the Blue Revolution.

Kolleru Lake, a naturally formed wetland between the Godavari and Krishna river basins, serves as an irrigation source for farmers in 122 villages surrounding the sanctuary area (46 bed villages and 76 belt villages). Over three lakh people depend on this vital water body for their livelihoods.

The lake spans 225,250 acres up to the +10 ft contour line, while the Kolleru Wildlife Sanctuary, located within the +5 ft contour, covers 77,138 acres. Extending up to 20 kilometres around the lake, it functions as a bird sanctuary, providing habitat for over 189 species of birds, including painted storks, pelicans, and several rare and endangered species migrating from Eurasia.

The region’s high demand for fish, government subsidies, and the lake's naturally favourable conditions have transformed the fortunes of many locals. “Almost 98% of the carp culture in the state is developed in and around Kolleru Lake, which extends between the West Godavari and Krishna districts and is now recognised as the fish bowl of India,” stated a 2007 study.

However, this economic boom has taken a toll on the lake’s environmental health. By 2006, illegal fishing ponds had spread across the lake, with 1,776 tanks (1,140 in West Godavari and 636 in Krishna district) covering around 43,724 acres. These structures, both in and around Kolleru, have disrupted the lake’s natural habitat and altered its ecosystem.

Due to these concerns, the state government initiated Operation Kolleru in 2006 based on Supreme Court orders. “While the Supreme Court judgement called for rehabilitating aquaculture farmers before evicting them, the state government did not do so,” said Peddiraju.

Dr Tallavajhula Patanjali Sastri, who has fought a legal case to restore the lake for many years, described the entire eviction process as unscientific. He explained that instead of educating villagers about the Supreme Court’s orders, officials used explosives to destroy illegal fish ponds. “This made the villagers so angry that I was told not to visit the lake alone because of my involvement in the case. The village leaders are also using 'veli' (ostracism) to stop people from supporting our efforts to restore the lake,” Sastri added.

He also pointed out that evictions have only worsened the situation, with fish ponds in the sanctuary area now averaging between 50 and 100 acres. In a recent complaint to the NGT, Sastri noted that about 18,000 acres of the 77,138-acre sanctuary have been taken over by the construction of fish ponds, buildings and roads.

Political will

A recent report from the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MOSPI) showed that Andhra Pradesh has the largest share of India's fishing and aquaculture sector, accounting for 40.9%. BV Seshagiri Rao, an environmental activist and former zoology lecturer at DNR College in Bhimavaram, pointed out that aquaculture around Kolleru Lake plays a significant role in this sector.

According to G.O.Ms.No.120 from October 4, 1999, a high court decision from July 30, 2001, and the Supreme Court's orders from April 2006, landowners can practise traditional farming without using pesticides or chemicals.

Turning land into fish ponds by building structures and using chemicals is harming the natural flow of water and affecting water quality. Politicians tend to prioritise profit over the environment. The local population of about three lakh villagers represents many votes, and the money made from the fish economy influences politics, making it less likely for politicians to follow environmental guidelines, he added.

Rao argued that while some villagers benefit, it’s misleading to think aquaculture has helped poor farmers. In reality, it mostly benefits wealthier farmers who act on behalf of others. Further, there is no formal evidence to support this, as most leasing agreements were made verbally in front of village elders.

The former principal secretary of the Andhra Pradesh government’s Environment, Forests, Science, and Technology Department expressed similar concerns to the Central Empowered Committee (CEC) set up by the Supreme Court in 2006. He stated that the rich and powerful have taken over commercial activities under the pretence of supporting the livelihoods of the poor. Instead of working to restore the lake to its former beauty, a significant resolution was passed in the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly on September 4, 2008, during the Congress government.

The resolution urged the National Board of Wildlife, Government of India, and the Central Empowered Committee to reduce the boundary of the Kolleru Wildlife Sanctuary from the +5' contour (77,138 acres) to the +3' contour (33,750 acres) to address challenges faced by local farmers.

In response, the Government of India constituted a seven-member committee headed by Dr PA Azeez of the Salim Ali Centre for Ornithology and Natural History (SACON). However, the committee did not support the proposed reduction, as it would severely impact wildlife conservation, particularly the protection of migratory birds.

Despite this, efforts to reduce the sanctuary's size were revived under the NDA government led by TDP chief and then chief minister N Chandrababu Naidu. On December 23, 2014, the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly passed a similar resolution to reduce the sanctuary’s boundaries.

The resolution stated that the state could not provide compensation for acquiring private lands and relocating affected families. Farmers claimed losses due to restrictions on chemical use. At this time, the union government stated that Compensatory Afforestation Management & Planning Agency (CAMPA) funds could not be used for acquiring private lands.

The Standing Committee subsequently formed a Working Group chaired by Prof R Sukumar, a representative from the Wildlife Institute of India, whose expertise lies mainly in elephant ecology and tropical forest ecology, not wetlands.

Although the Sukumar Committee also rejected the proposal to reduce the sanctuary’s size, it recommended the denotification of nearly 15,000 acres of Zeroyiti (private) lands and an additional 5,600 acres of D-pattas for aquaculture farming within the wildlife reserve.

“This undermined the entire argument for maintaining the free flow of water and the ecological health of Kolleru Lake, as it provides a backdoor entry,” said Sastri, who has challenged these recommendations.

Uncertain future

“Illegal farms do exist. This time, not just the low-lying areas or those in reserve areas have been affected; even the highway has been flooded. There are hundreds of legal farms adhering to environmental norms. Our losses run into crores. Isn’t it the government’s duty to compensate us?” asked J. Ramarao, a 73-year-old aquaculture farmer.

“The lake’s water is no longer suitable for agriculture. Sewer channels from many districts mix in Kolleru before draining into the Bay of Bengal,” he added.

Within the lake area, it is estimated that around 18,100 tons of chemical fertilisers and 1,600 tons of pesticides are used each year, with their residues flowing into the lake through 15 major drains, as found by Seshagiri Rao in his study on threats to Kolleru Lake.

The aquaculture has led to poorer water quality, encroachments, human activity, and poaching, said Sastri and Rao. The lake's natural water flow allows excess or floodwater to drain safely into the ocean through its only outlet, Upputeru. Activists warned that if restoration efforts are not properly monitored, they could create challenges for the surrounding areas.

The lake’s water is no longer suitable for agriculture. Sewer channels from many districts mix in Kolleru before draining into the Bay of Bengal.

Kolleru Lake is home to birds that travel from as far away as Europe and Asia. Some birds stop for a while and can’t return, while others come here to breed. Activists have pointed out that spot-billed pelicans, which used to number in the lakhs, have now dropped to just a few thousand. 

In the wake of the disaster, TDP chief, and chief minister Chandrababu Naidu, who once passed a resolution to downsize the lake, has issued a statement in the aftermath of the Budameru-induced floods in Vijayawada, acknowledging that encroachments from Vijayawada to Kolleru contributed to the floods. "The state will act tough against encroachers," Naidu said, promising stringent legislation to clear illegal settlements along the rivulets feeding into the lake.

Will this be a step toward Kolleru’s revival, or will exceptions be made for the encroachers in aquaculture farming? The answer seems uncertain.
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As Maharashtra prepares for its elections, the focus isn't just on who will win; it’s also on a crucial decision that could impact the state’s farmers. Deputy chief Minister Ajit Pawar has promised that a decision on raising the Minimum Support Price (MSP) for crops will come soon. This has farmers feeling both hopeful and worried, especially after the intense protests that rocked the nation not long ago.

Important political leaders, like India’s agriculture minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, are talking with representatives from various farmers’ groups to establish a legal guarantee for MSP. Meanwhile, Gujarat’s agriculture minister Raghavji Patel announced that they will start buying groundnut, moong, urad, and soybean at the MSP from November 11. Despite these promises, the main concern remains: can farmers trust the government to ensure they receive a fair price in an industry that often leaves them in debt?

In June 2024, the centre raised the MSPs for all 14 crops by 1-13% as market proxies for agricultural produce surged due to inflation. Sakshee Jaimini, a development practitioner at the Revitalising Rainfed Agriculture Network, discussed the pain points in the current system and the need for a decentralised operating model. She said, “The farmers who are protesting want to decide the MSP themselves, like other products in the market. There is a disparity amongst the farming community.”

In a country where its largest sector struggles with low income and where many farmers are deep in debt, securing fair prices for produce is a fundamental challenge. Official data shows that the average monthly income of a farmer household was Rs 10,218 in 2019, with some states like Jharkhand, Odisha, and West Bengal reporting as low as Rs 4,800. 

Understanding MSP

MSP is the minimum rate at which farmers sell their produce to the government through mandis. Introduced in 1987, it protects farmers from market fluctuations and provides stability and income security. The Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP) recommends the MSP based on various factors, with the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs, led by the prime minister, making the final decision.

The MSP is calculated using specific parameters, including A2, FL, and C2 costs. The A2 cost covers out-of-pocket expenses for farming, such as chemicals, fertilisers, seeds, hired labour, fuel, and irrigation.

The FL cost accounts for the unpaid labour provided by family members for activities like sowing, weeding, and harvesting. Together, A2 and FL costs represent the total production cost incurred by farmers.

C2 is the most comprehensive cost, factoring in A2 and FL costs alongside land rentals and interest on fixed assets like machinery, buildings, and equipment. Besides the operational costs, it also considers the cost of capital and land.

The CACP recommends the MSP by evaluating cultivation costs per hectare, production costs per quintal, market prices, production and labour costs, demand for the crop, per capita consumption, and industry trends. The government sets support prices at 1.5 times the production cost, ensuring farmers receive a minimum of 50% returns.

Farmers’ demands

In the light of large scale farmers agitation during 2020 and 2021, the India government withdrew the controversial agricultural bills.

Farmers –primarily from Punjab and Haryana–marched to Delhi to protest the opening of the sector to private players. They feared that corporate entry would reduce the government’s role in agriculture and lead to the withdrawal of MSPs.

Currently, there are MSPs for 22 commodities: seven cereals (paddy, wheat, maize, sorghum, pearl millet, barley, and finger millet), five pulses (gram, toor or pigeon peas, moong or green gram, urad or black lentil, lentil), seven oilseeds (groundnut, rapeseed-mustard, soybean, sesamum, sunflower, safflower, and niger), and three commercial crops (copra, cotton, and raw jute).

According to studies, only a small share of farmers in the country benefits from MSPs. Farmers have accused the government of delaying its commitments to address their demands, despite earlier promises made during the protests.

For the current season, the government has started procuring crops at the Minimum Support Price as it has done in the past. However, some farmer groups are still protesting because they feel that the government is not really listening to their concerns and addressing their demands properly.

The farmers' demands are not extreme or unreasonable; they have been getting the MSP for almost six decades now. All they want is for the government to be fair and give them a promised return on their crops.

Indian agriculture has long suffered from negative terms of trade. Instead of supporting farmers, the state policy of keeping food prices low imposes negative subsidies on them.

Millet challenges

The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) declared 2023 as the International Year of Millets, but millet farmers have yet to see the benefits. Jaimini, a millet farming specialist, said, “Even though there is MSP [for millets], there is no procurement because there are no support systems built for farmers to cultivate those crops.”

She pointed out that the Green Revolution historically favoured paddy over millets. “Even though the International Year of Millets [2023] happened, the overall development is low,” she added.

Last year, India’s finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman referred to millets as ‘Shree Anna’ in her budget speech. While promoting the nutritive value of millets led to a surge in their market and attracted start-ups, little has changed for farmers.

“Almost 70% of the money allotted to the Indian Institute of Millets Research was spent on building infrastructure for the research centre,” Jaimini said. Moreover, current research focuses on fortifying millets, which is unnecessary since they are already nutritious.

She worries that millets will face the same fate as paddy. “The institute will create certain seed varieties that will increase farmers’ dependency on them. On the other hand, market systems are so rigid regarding one colour, one shade, one taste that we cannot even brand different millet varieties,” said the Youth For India fellow.

Simply having an MSP will not resolve the issue, Jaimini said. “There is a systematic change and intervention that is required, like paddy, but not in a similar fashion.” She suggested focusing on increasing scale while building decentralised systems.

State intervention

The state actively intervenes to establish minimum wages and regulate maximum retail prices for consumer goods. One might reasonably ask: why not extend similar protections to farmers?

The MSP serves as a modest return for the systemic extraction farmers endure in the economy. The ongoing struggle for equal treatment has led farmer unions to demand not just survival but recognition and justice in a system that often overlooks their plight.
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Ramnihor, a young farmer of Baragaon village in Banda district (Uttar Pradesh) was known to be a sincere and sensitive person. With his father and brother facing health issues, he worked tirelessly to support the family's finances. Despite his efforts, he struggled to repay an old loan. What started as a one-lakh-rupee debt had grown to about five lakh due to interest.

With only 3 acres of land, Ramnihor couldn’t find a way to repay the loan. After trying everything and failing, he started saying he didn’t want to live anymore. He attempted suicide twice but survived. His worried family kept trying to talk him out of it, even bringing in respected relatives for help. Unfortunately, earlier this year, despite their efforts, he took his own life.

Listening to the family's heartbreaking experiences, my main takeaway was that this tragedy could have been avoided with timely help. Ramnihor's suicide wasn’t sudden or unexpected—there were clear warning signs, but help didn’t arrive in time.

After Ramnihor's death, his eight-member family, including his wife and daughter, still faces health issues and the burden of repaying the loan.

Another tragic loss

A similar experience happened to another farmer, Rameshwar, from Hastam village in the same district. He took out a loan of Rs 425,000 to buy a tractor. Although his small farming family was hesitant, agents convinced Rameshwar by promising an easy bank loan, which turned out to be anything but easy. Even paying the interest was a struggle, especially in bad farming years, and when the tractor broke down, there was no money to fix it.

Rameshwar lived in constant fear of loan recovery notices and had to repeatedly explain that he couldn’t pay. After receiving one such notice, his distress grew, and in May this year, he took his own life.

When I visited the family two weeks later, the sense of hopelessness was overwhelming. They were mourning again, as Rameshwar’s brother had also died from the shock of the suicide. Meanwhile, Rameshwar’s son Vijay Bahadur is in poor health, and the loan remains unpaid.

In both cases, these suicides could have been avoided if real help and alternatives had been available in time. While there’s been talk about counselling and helplines, what’s really needed is a plan for genuine relief or alternatives that give struggling farmers real hope.

Positive turnaround

Let me share the positive story of a farmer who received timely help, which ultimately saved his life. I met Sanjay Bhagat, a farmer from Washim district in the Vidarbha region of Maharashtra, while I was reporting on a low-cost, self-reliant, and environmentally friendly farming program called INSAP (Integrated Sustainable Agriculture Program).

No one in our village now thinks of suicide. We have seen hope. We want to take this hope to more and more villages.

Bhagat shared that he had fallen into debt and, secretly, had decided to end his life soon. At that point, when some friends mentioned INSAP to him, he thought, “What’s the harm in trying something new? I’ll be dead soon anyway.” However, when he tried INSAP farming, which is similar to natural farming, it worked so well for him that he completely abandoned his thoughts of dying. Instead, he decided to promote ecologically friendly farming to more people. When I met him, he was excited about spreading this method even further.

During my visits to various areas focused on low-cost, self-reliant, and eco-friendly farming, I found that small farmers, including women, are filled with hope and creativity. However, this positivity is mostly limited to the specific areas where these programs are active.

Not all farmers have the energy or ability to find alternatives on their own. In the two families I mentioned earlier, health issues played a significant role in the difficult situations they faced.

Even when some farming families want to explore promising alternatives, they can be held back by their existing debts. To truly give them hope, they may need some form of debt relief or a rescheduling of payments into smaller, more manageable amounts.

Call for support

With the support of panchayats, activists, NGOs, farmers' groups, and local authorities, there should be efforts to identify the most vulnerable farming families and workers so they can receive timely assistance or debt relief. There should be enough funding available from local authorities or panchayats, based on special government programs designed for this purpose.

Debt is a significant factor in farm distress. Punjab has been at the forefront of using costly, chemical-intensive farming methods, which over time have contributed to the heavy debt burdens faced by many small farmers.

A census survey conducted by Punjab Agriculture University found that over a decade, 3,507 farmers in six districts of Punjab committed suicide. Of these, 74% were linked to economic distress and debt, with 80% being small farmers. Another study by Ranjana Padhi showed that loan pressure was the main reason for suicide in 79% of cases, and 70% of the suicides involved the use of pesticides.

Hence the way forward should not be in the form of expensive technologies or those that harm sustainability by negatively affecting essential resources like soil and water. Instead, low-cost, self-reliant, and eco-friendly farming can genuinely inspire hope among farmers. This was evident when INSAP was introduced in some clusters of villages in the Vidarbha region, where suicides stopped, even though they continued in other nearby areas.

Restoring hope

A study by Raghav Narsalay found that 88% of farmers who adopted INSAP said they regained the confidence to continue farming. Purushottam Bhagat, a farmer from Aurangpur village in Washim district, shared that many INSAP farmers have been able to pay off their previous debts and find peace. Sanjay Bhagat, who overcame difficult and depressing times, said, “No one in our village now thinks of suicide. We have seen hope. We want to take this hope to more and more villages.”

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India’s love for dairy products – doodh, paneer, ghee, khoa, and dahi – is baked into its culture. As the world’s largest producer of milk, contributing 25% to global production, India faces immense demand for its dairy products. Yet, despite this massive consumption, per capita dairy intake remains low compared to global standards. With the industry projected to be worth USD 131.5 billion in 2024, major brands are keen to tap into this potential growth.

Branding and marketing are crucial for capturing consumer interest, alongside production and manufacturing. Recently, the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI) intervened in the ongoing debate over A1 and A2 milk. The regulator initially ordered the removal of 'A1' and 'A2' claims from packaging, deeming such labelling misleading. However, this order was swiftly revoked, creating a media frenzy.

“The FSSAI’s decision to withdraw its order on A1 and A2 milk might stem from logistical challenges in distinguishing and certifying milk types across India’s vast dairy industry. Additionally, the lack of conclusive scientific evidence to justify separate regulatory standards likely played a role in this decision,” said Venugopal Badaravada, a member of the general body and governing body of the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) Society.

Understanding A1 and A2 milk

A2 milk is usually much more expensive than A1 milk, leading the FSSAI to step in and regulate how it's marketed. A2 milk has a specific protein called beta-casein.

Caseins and whey proteins make up over 95% of the proteins in cow's milk, with beta-casein offering a well-balanced mix of amino acids, according to a paper from the National Medical Library. While Western dairy cows produce both A1 and A2 beta-casein, Indian breeds generally produce only A2. The higher price of A2 milk comes from the fact that it comes from native breeds like Hallikar and Malnad Gidda, which produce less milk than commercial breeds like Holstein, making it more costly.

“Many believe A2 milk is easier to digest due to its protein structure, which resembles that found in human breast milk and certain animal species like goats. This stems from research suggesting that A1 milk, when digested, can produce a peptide called BCM-7, which might cause discomfort, bloating, and digestive issues in some individuals,” said nutritionist and food coach Anupama Menon.

“Although scientific consensus is still emerging, consumers who experience intolerance to A1 milk often turn to A2 milk for relief. Moreover, A2 milk is often seen as more "natural" since it comes from Indian native breeds, which aligns with the desire for organic and traditional foods,” she added.

Consumer appeal

People continue to buy the more expensive A2 milk for several reasons:

Health benefits: A2 milk is popular because it’s seen as easier to digest. While the science is still developing, many with mild dairy sensitivities say they can tolerate A2 milk better.

Lower risk of disease: Some studies suggest A1 beta-casein may be linked to conditions like Type 1 diabetes, heart disease, and autism. Though not proven, the idea that A2 milk might lower these risks appeals to health-conscious buyers.

Premium image: A2 milk is marketed as a premium product, attracting people willing to spend more for what they see as a healthier, higher-quality option. Its connection to native breeds and sustainable farming also adds to its perceived value.

Support for native breeds: Some choose A2 milk to support local farmers and indigenous cattle. This decision often comes from ethical and environmental concerns, helping preserve traditional breeds and sustainable practices.

Price comparison: A2 milk costs Rs 90 to 250 per litre, but it’s still cheaper than niche options like donkey milk, which can sell for Rs 5,000 to 7,000 per litre. Plus, delivery services in cities make it easy to access.

Cultural importance: In rural areas, cow’s milk has long been given to children when breastfeeding isn’t possible. Indigenous cow milk, like A2 milk, is often preferred over buffalo milk due to its nutrition and cultural significance.

Anupama said people choose A2 milk for their children, believing it offers gentler digestion and reduces the risk of discomfort, allergies, or lactose intolerance.

“However, there is no hard-and-fast rule that A2 is better for children than adults. In fact, adults, particularly those with sensitive digestive systems or those seeking natural food options, also make up a significant portion of A2 milk consumers. The preference largely depends on individual digestive health rather than age,” she added.

Nutritional differences and health risks

Nutritionally, A1 and A2 milk offer similar levels of protein, calcium, and vitamins. However, milk from indigenous breeds, which produce A2 milk, generally has a higher fat content (4%-8%) compared to Holstein Friesian (HF) and Jersey breeds (3%-3.5%). This higher fat content provides additional energy and essential fatty acids.

Many believe A2 milk is easier to digest for those with lactose intolerance, but that’s a misconception. "All milk can cause lactose intolerance," Badaravada said. The difference is A2 milk may help people with casein intolerance or allergies, as it's not related to the lactose (sugar) in milk. He added that understanding this distinction could help consumers make better choices.

Many people digest A1 milk just fine, and the potential risks of A1 beta-casein are still being debated. While A2 milk might help those with sensitivities to A1 protein, claims that it can cure or prevent various health issues are overstate, he said.

He also pointed out that some believe raw, unpasteurized milk is more nutritious, but it carries serious health risks like bacterial contamination. "Pasteurisation is crucial for safety and doesn't significantly reduce nutritional value," he said.

Though there is some evidence that people who consume milk with high levels of A2 beta-casein may have a lower risk of heart disease and type 1 diabetes, companies often overhype A2 milk as healthier than A1. Factors like the cow's feed quality also matter. For example, grass-fed cows produce milk richer in omega-3s and CLAs, which is safer for those with corn and soy allergies.

As of now, there isn’t enough research to confirm clear health benefits of A2 milk. This lack of evidence might be why FSSAI withdrew its advisory to businesses, asking them to stop making claims about A1 and A2 milk on product labels.

Call for better regulations

In a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Badaravada urged him to request FSSAI to withdraw its directive and set up a committee of experts to review the situation.

He recommended a few steps the government could take to improve regulations:

Clear labelling: The government could require clear labels for A1 and A2 milk, so consumers can make informed choices based on their preferences.

Certification system: A reliable certification process using standardised testing for A2 milk could help ensure product authenticity and build consumer trust.

Public awareness: Campaigns to educate people about the real differences between A1 and A2 milk could clear up misconceptions, helping consumers make better decisions.

Support for indigenous breeds: Promoting local cattle breeds would not only grow the A2 milk market but also support sustainable farming and improve rural livelihoods.

“These measures would balance consumer needs with market transparency, benefiting both producers and consumers,” he said.

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On the road to Melkote, Karnataka, an iron gate marks the entrance to Hosa Jeevana Daari. Beyond it is a 66-year-old experiment in alternative living that still questions modern ideas of progress and development.

Started by Santosh Koulagi's parents, Santosh now continues their work with his son, Sumanas. He leads a simple life, wearing khadi and living in the peaceful, scenic town of Melkote, along with his children and their families.

Before you even reach the premises, a beagle greets you with loud barks, only to quickly soften and seek affectionate petting.

We are trying to tell people that Khadi is a concomitant effect of a larger goal—of being better humans. And it seems to be working.

The Janapada Seva Trust, the parent organisation of Hosa Jeevana Daari, predates neoliberalism and the rise of NGOs in social work. Founded in the 1960s, the Trust advocates for a simpler, more sustainable way of life, challenging mainstream ideas of progress and development.

Gandhian principles

Sumanas earned his PhD from the University of Sussex with a thesis on “Development as Swaraj,” published by Routledge in 2023. His book challenges conventional development models, proposing a Gandhian approach that emphasises decentralisation and non-violent living. Rather than pursue a typical academic career, Sumanas returned home to put his ideas into practice in his own community.

Deeply rooted in the teachings of JC Kumarappa and Mahatma Gandhi, the Trust embodies the Gandhian concept of Swaraj, or self-rule. The idea goes beyond political independence to include freedom from social, economic, and environmental oppression. At its core, Swaraj means living in harmony with nature, promoting unity, and rejecting materialism and individualism in a capitalist world.

The Trust engages in various projects that reflect its commitment to sustainability and social justice including organic farming, khadi weaving, and educational programmes for marginalised children. One of their most ambitious efforts is growing a forest on ten acres of land, with a special focus on the Sacred Fig (Ficus Religiosa). The project, called Nene Bana or the "Forest of Memories," aims to foster biodiversity.

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A different vision

At the heart of these projects is a philosophy of respect for the inherent dignity of all people and their connection to nature. Unlike the capitalist system that often treats people as mere cogs, the Trust values manual labour and human worth. They reject hyper-efficient, mechanised methods in favour of slower, more personal approaches that allow people to connect with their work, nature, and themselves. “We are trying to tell people that Khadi is a concomitant effect of a larger goal—of being better humans. And it seems to be working,” says Santosh.

Inside the main hall of Hosa Jeevana Daari, shelves are lined with books, from Marx's Capital to B.R. Ambedkar's Annihilation of Caste, and, of course, Gandhi’s writings. “Growing up, I felt JST was outdated and archaic, not a model for the future. But after engaging with Gandhi, Kumarappa, and others, I’ve come to revise my beliefs,” Sumanas says.

Unlike many organisations, JST doesn’t have the numbers to quantify their impact. Funders often ask for proof: “What are your quarterly expenses? What are your two-year plans?” But because JST operates outside the typical business model, they don’t scale in the way most people expect.

To outsiders, JST’s activities may seem unrelated, but Santosh emphasises their deep interconnection. The holistic vision that drives the Trust ties all their work together, from organic farming to education.

One of their notable projects is Jeevana Shale, a school for children who have dropped out of traditional education. Based on Gandhi’s Nai Talim, the programme emphasises physical education, teaching children through hands-on work in the fields and interaction with their surroundings.

Santosh remains optimistic about the future. “People are seeing that our current way of life and economic system isn’t working. We’re more alienated than ever. JST has influenced many to carry this model forward in their own places.”

Arpan Kalotra, from the pastoral Maldhari community in Gujarat’s Saurashtra region, remembers how his grandfather once had a large herd of 300-400 goats that grazed on shared land. Today, much of that land is controlled by industries or the forest department, limiting grazing opportunities. With milk sales no longer providing enough income, younger generations have been moving away from pastoralism. Kalotra’s father no longer owns any goats, and his uncle's herd has shrunk to just 100. “Our livelihood and culture are disappearing,” Kalotra said. “How do we preserve what’s left?” In search of a solution, he turned to making artisanal cheese.

Kalotra and Bhimsinhbhai Ghangal are the co-founders of Panchal Dairy, an entrepreneurial initiative in Sayla, Gujarat that produces a range of fresh and aged artisanal cheeses from goat and sheep’s milk.

Panchal Dairy is one of the few new initiatives aiming to connect pastoralists with the market. While India is the largest global producer of milk, cow and buffalo milk dominate the industry. However, these dairies source milk from free-ranging animals like goats, camels, and sheep, directly from pastoral communities, and create various value-added products. The approach not only improves livelihoods but also helps give pastoral milk a distinct identity, which has often been overlooked.

Specialty Indian cheeses

Kalotra and Ghangal started Panchal Dairy in 2022 with the help of Sahjeevan, a non-profit organisation affiliated with the Center for Pastoralism. The two trained under renowned cheesemaker Namrata Sundaresan of Käse Cheese. A small production unit, Panchal Dairy procures 100 litres of milk daily from their community and crafts eight varieties of artisanal cheese. Goat’s milk is used to make marinated feta, fresh goat cheese, Halloumi, Saint Marcellin, and aged cheeses – Tomme and Tymsboro. Their sheep milk varieties include ricotta and both fresh and aged pecorino.

There is a highly increasing demand for artisanal cheeses in India, especially across tier-1 cities.

Goat’s milk, being low in fat content, is not valued at par with bovine milk, leaving traditional goat and sheep herding communities like the Maldharis in the lurch. Even though India has a substantial population of goats, their milk accounts for only 3% of total production. This results in a problem of surplus milk, which was traditionally sold to sweet shops as khoya or ghee.

After experimenting with a variety of value-added milk products, including flavoured milk, kulfi and ice cream, Kalotra and Ghangal settled on artisanal cheese due to its longer shelf life. 

“There is a highly increasing demand for artisanal cheeses in India, especially across tier-1 cities,” said Aakriti Srivastava, co-founder of Bahula Naturals – a community-owned and operated pastoral milk brand in Rajasthan. In fact, the cheese market in India is expected to grow at a CAGR of 21.47%, potentially reaching INR 512.1 billion by 2032.

Bahula Naturals, located in Bajju village in Bikaner district, is working with 4000 camel herders through several partners on ground and focuses not just on bringing pastoral milk to market but also on ecosystem services such as improving soil health. On offer is Halloumi, aged cheshire and feta made from camel’s milk, along with camel milk ghee. Adding artisanal cheese to their portfolio also allows them to procure a higher quantity of milk from the local community of camel herders. “1 kg of cheese required about 60-70 litres of camel milk. [This way], every household was able to earn more,” said Srivastava. 

Others, like Camel Charisma in Pali, Rajasthan also offer camel milk products, including cheese, to boost incomes of camel herders and conserve the camel population, while Nyukmadung Dairy in Arunachal Pradesh is the first yak milk parlour to be set up in India. 

While these initiatives are helping support pastoral communities whose culture is closely intertwined with the livestock they breed, they also allow consumers to reap a variety of benefits.

Terrain-driven flavours

“Milk is nothing but the sum total of what an animal gets to consume. That's where the difference between stall-fed and controlled-environment reared animals versus a free-grazing animal comes in,” said Srivastava. Milk sourced from free-grazing animals is high quality, free from additional additives or preservatives and rich in nutritional properties due to the roughly 45 varieties of indigenous plants these animals feed on. The milk’s flavour, and that of the cheese, varies by both region and season, which is why these cheeses cannot be standardised, said Asma Sayed, co-founder of Bombay Fromagerie, who played a crucial role in helping Panchal Dairy set up operations.

Camel milk’s therapeutic, antioxidant and anti-bacterial properties have been widely cited, along with its suitability for those with lactose intolerance. Research suggests camel’s milk may help control glycemic levels in the long term for patients with Type 1 diabetes. A 2013 study found no cases of diabetes while studying the Raika community of Rajasthan that habitually consumes camel milk.

Meanwhile, goat’s milk is considered a close substitute for human milk, is easily-digestible, and has anti-inflammatory properties. Value-added products made from pastoral milk can be a good source of nutrition for those seeking to access these benefits, said Srivastava.

These initiatives tap into what makes artisanal cheese crafted from pastoral milk truly unique, that is, its diversity in flavour. But the nutritional composition and taste of the milk and cheese heavily depends on the sustainable pastoral rearing system which is facing several existential threats.

Pastoralism under threat

“Till now, the pastoral production system has not been properly recognised in India,” said Ramesh Bhatti, Programme Director at Sahjeevan. A 2020 report by the League for Pastoral Peoples and Endogenous Livestock Development estimates the pastoral population to be around 13 million people. However, there is no official data on the approximately 46 pastoral communities spread across 24 states. The hope for an accurate picture of pastoralism and access to rights for the pastoral communities hinges heavily on the 21st Livestock Census to be conducted this year which will include pastoralists and livestock they rear for the first time. 

Today, approximately 5,000 litres of camel milk is being collected in Kachchh and being made into different value-added products.

Pastoral communities contribute widely to India’s rural economy. India’s livestock sector contributes 4% to the national GDP, as per a 2024 report by the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD). Pastoral systems rear 77% of the total livestock in India, including cows and buffaloes, while 53% of the country’s milk production and 74% of its meat come from pastoral animals. Pastoralists also rear 73 out of 200 recognised livestock breeds in India, including several indigenous breeds. Further, the decline of pastoralism adversely affects the environment. Goats, for instance, naturally prune plants while their manure rejuvenates the soil, said Sayed. “In this way, the growth of the plants flourishes in those areas where nobody can go and actually tend to the plants,” she added. 

Animals such as camels and donkeys, which were primarily used for transportation and ploughing of fields, have been replaced by technology. As a result, their populations have plummeted. Camels witnessed a 37.1% decline as per the 20th Livestock Census, 2019. 

Over the years, several efforts have been made to popularise alternative milk from pastoral animals to create opportunities for a sustainable livelihood for these communities. In 2016, the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI) approved camel milk as a food item with specific standards for sale and trade.

In the Kachchh region of Gujarat, Sahjeevan invited Amul to begin camel milk collection. “Today, approximately 5,000 litres of camel milk is being collected in Kachchh and being made into different value-added products,” said Bhatti.

All the manufacturing is happening closer to the source of milk, and all the market is in cities.

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Now, the Rajasthan Co-operative Dairy Federation (RCDF) will begin selling camel milk under the brand name Saras. Sahjeevan is also looking to initiate the collection of goat milk in Saurashtra region, which is still in the works. Meanwhile, Panchal Dairy is able to offer a higher rate for goat and sheep milk to the local communities, while Bahula Naturals has pioneered several solutions on ground, including Instant Milk Chillers at the household level to counter the vast distances between desert households and milk processing units. 

Challenges

While the demand is steadily growing for artisanal cheese, challenges remain. Much of the demand for cheese in the country veers towards processed varieties, due to familiarity and lower costs. For small units such as Panchal Dairy, marketing remains a hurdle and achieving scale will require time, said Sayed, whose venture sources artisanal cheese from across the country. “All the manufacturing is happening closer to the source of milk, and all the market is in cities. So we realised that there is this huge gap between the customer and this very fine product,” said Sayed. 

Currently, Käse Cheese in Chennai also stocks Panchal Dairy’s products, allowing them to reach a wider audience. There is also a booming export market to tap into, Srivastava said. “In our belief, alternative animal milk is the key to even open those doors for us,” she added.